星期六, 9月 29, 2018



Shall We choose Death ?Dc. 12, 1954
Bertrand Russell 

Here, then, is the problem which I present to you. Stark and dread and inescapable:Shall we put and end to he human race or shall mankind renounce war?People will not face this alternative because it is so difficult to abolish war. The abolition of war will demand distasteful limitations of national sovereignty. But what perhaps impedes understanding of the situation more than anything else us that the tern “mankind” feels vague and abstract.
    People scarcely realize in imagination that the danger is to themselves and their children and their grandchildren, and not only to a dimly apprehended humanity. And so they hope that preps war may be allowed o continue provided modern weapons are prohibited. I am afraid this hope is illusory. Whatever agreements not to use hydrogen bombs had been reached intimate of peace, they would no longer be considered binding in time of war, and both sides would set to work to manufacture hydrogen bombs as soon as war broke out, for if one side manufactured them would be victorious.
    In the great would of astronomy and in the little would of the atom, Man has unveiled secrets which might have been thought undiscoverable. In ar and literature and religion, some men have shown a sublimity of feeling which makes the species worth preserving. Is all this to end in trivial horror because two few are able to think of Man rather than of this or hat group often? Is our race to the simplest dictates of self-preservation, that the last proof of its silly cleverness is to be the extermination of all life on our planet? —-for it will be not only men who will perish, but also the animals, whom no one can accuse of Communism or anticommunist.
    I cannot believe that this is to be the end. I would have men forget their quarrels for n moment and reflect that, if they all allow themselves to survive there is every reason to expect the triumphs of the future to exceed immeasurable the triumphs of the past.
There lies before us, if we choose, continual process inf happiness, knowledge, and wisdom, shall we, instead, choose death, because we anent forget our quarrels?



Against TheHydrogen Bomb   Feb. 12, 1950
Albert Einstein

The armament race between the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. originally supposed to be a preventive measure, issues hysterical character. On both sides, the means to mass destruction are perfected with feverish haste—-behind the respective walls of secrecy The H-bomb appears on the public horizon as a probably attainable goal.
    If successful, radioactive poisoning of the atmosphere and hence annihilation of any life on earth has been brought within the range of technical possibilities. The ghostlike character this development lies inits apparently compulsory trend. Every step appears as the unavoidable consequence of the preceding one, In the end, it beckons more and more clearly general annihilation.
    Is there any way out of this impasse created man himself ? All of us, and particularly those who are responsible for the attitude of the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., should realize that we may have vanquished an external enemy, but have been incapable of getting rid of the mentality created by the war.
    It is impossible to achieve peaces as long as every single action is taken with a possible future conflict in view. The leading point of view of all political action should therefore be; what can we do to bring about a peaceful co-existence and even local cooperation the nations?
    The first problem into do away with mutual fear and distrust. Solemn renunciation of violence( not only with respect or means of mass destruction ) is undoubtedly necessary.

    Such renunciation, however, can only be effective if at the same time a supra-national judicial and executive body is set up, empowered to decide questions of immediate concern to the security of the nations. Even a declaration of the nations to collaborate locally in the realization of such a “restricted world government”would considerable reduce the imminent danger of war.



And if a beached  of.co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join sides, join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the week secure and the peace preserved.
    All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
    In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hours of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—-I welcome it.i don not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—-and the glow from that fie can truly light he world.
    And so my fellow citizens of he world: as not what your country can do for you —ask what you can for your country.
    My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you , but what together we can do for  the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same  high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history  the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that her on path Gods word must truly be our own.

4.2 文學研究中的文化身份問題-王寧


本身是英文文學老師,因緣際會一頭栽入「比較文學」研究。他自幼生長在中國,受到中國文化的薰陶;但是在學術成長期,郤更多機會接觸到西方文化,或者在西方某些國家生活幾年,也多次在不同國家從事學術研究。以致於在英文系文學教師中,所掌握的西方文學知識、 恐怕比中國文學知識還多。「顯然我們是以一個中國人從中國的視角出發來看待西方文學。」這樣的「意識形態觀念」和「學科意識」 ,不得不打上「西方主義」和「西方學」(Occidentalism)的印記。





星期四, 9月 27, 2018



5.「英國本土首馬申請者女性比例首次超越男性」。比例為51.7%vs 48.3%,男兒當自強!

本賽事在前一年開放報名,時間只有五天( 5月1日-5日)。其中58,534人來自於海外,327,516人來自英國本土。英國本土跑者報名增長率高達29%!增加了73586人。我連續第四年,又沒抽中!




(資料來源-新浪網 http://www.soonnet.org/Daily/DailyView.aspx?M=243&D=20437)




Alfred Nabels Will Nov. 27, 1895
Alfred Nobel

I after mature deliberation, declare the following to be my last Will and Testament with respect to such property as may be left by me at the time of my death:
    The whole of my remaining realizable estate shall be dealt with in the following way: the capital, invested in safe securities by my executors, shall constitute a fund, the interest on which shall be annually distributed in the form of prizes to those who, during the preceding year, shall have conferred the greatest benefit on mankind. The said interest shall be divided into five equal parts, which shall be apportioned as follows:
    One part to the person who shall have made the most important discovery or invention within the field of physics; one part to the person who shall have made the most important chemical discovery of improvement, one part to the person who shall have made the most important discovery within the domain of physiology of medicine; one part to the person who shall have produced in the field literature the most outstanding work in an ideal direction; and one part to there person who shall have done he most or the best work for fraternity between nations., for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion for peace congresses.
    The prizes for physics and chemistry shall be awarded by the Swedish Academy of Sciences; that for physiological or medical work by the Caroline Institute in Stockholm; that for literature by the Academy in Stockholm, and that for champions of peace by a committee of five persons to be elected by the Norwegian Storting.

    It is my express wish that in awarding the prizes no consideration whatever shall be given to the nationality of the candidates. But that the most worthy shall receive the prize, whether he be a Scandinavian or not.

星期三, 9月 26, 2018




The House Divided Speech.   June 16, 1858
Abraham Lincoln

If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached an passed.
    “A house divided against itself can not stand.”
    I believe this Government can not endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—-I don not expect the house to fall —-but I  do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall come alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.




The Hypocrisy of American Slavery  Jul. 4, 1852
Frederick Douglass 

The manhood of the slave is conceded. It is admitted in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments, forbidding, under server fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to read and write. When you can point to any such laws in reference to the beasts of the field, then I may  consent to argue the manhood of the slave.
    When The dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave for a brute, then I will argue with you that the slave is a man !
    For the present it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are plowing, planting, and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver, and gold; that while we are reading, writing, and ciphering, acting as clerks, merchants, and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators, and teachers: that we are engaged in all the enterprises common to other men —-digging gold in California, capturing the whale in he Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hillside, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives, and children, and above all, confessing and worshiping the christian God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave —we are called upon to prove that we are men?




Address to the Nation Pardoning Richard M. Nixon
Sep 8. 1974  Gerald Ford

As President, my primary concern must always be the greatest good of all the people of the United States whose servant I am. As a  man, my first consideration is to be true to my own convictions and my own conscience.
    My conscience tells me clearly and certainly that I cannot prolong the bad dreams that continue to reopen a chapter that is closed. My conscience tells me that only I, as  President, have the constitutional power to firmly shut and seal this book. My conscience tells me it is my duty, not merely to proclaim domestic tranquility but to use every means that I have to insure it . I do believe that the buck stops here, that I cannot rely upon build opinion polls to tell me what isight. I do believe that right makes might and that if I ma wrong, ten angel swearing I was right would make no difference. I do believe, with all my heart and mind and spirit, that I, not as President as a humble servant of God , will receive justice without mercy of  fail to show mercy.
    Finally, I feel that Richard Nixon and his loved ones have suffered enough and will continue to suffer, no matter what I do, no matter what we, as great and good nation, can do together to make his goal of peace come true.
    Now, therefore,  I Gerald R. Ford, President of the United State, pursuant to the pardon power conferred upon me by Article 2, Section 2, of the Constitution , have granted and by these presents do grant a full, free, and absolute pardon unto Richard Nixon, has committed or may have committed  or taken part in during the period from July 20, 1969. through August 9. 1974



Resigning the Presidency  Aug. 8, 1974
Richard Nixon

For more than a quarter of a century in public life I have shared in the turbulent history of this era. I have fought for what I believed in. I have tried to the best of my ability to discharge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted to me.
    Sometime I have succeeded and sometimes I have failed, but always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, “whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly.”
    I pledge to you tonight that as long as I have a breath of life in my body, I shall continue in that spirit. I shall continue to work for the great causes to whip I have been dedicated throughout my years as a Congressman, a Senator, a Vice {resident, the cause of peace not just for America but among al nations, prosperity, justice, and opportunity for all  of our purple.
    When I first took the oath of office as President 5-1/2 years ago,  made this sacred commitment, to“consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations.” I have done my very best in all the days since to be true to that pledge. As a result of these efforts. I am confident that the world is a safer place today, not only for the purple of America but for the people of all nations, and that all of our children have a better chance than before of living in peace rather than dying in war. 

    This, more than anything, is what I hoped to achieve when I sought the Presidency. This, more than anything, is what I hope will be my legacy to you, to our country, as I leave the Presidency.




星期二, 9月 25, 2018















星期一, 9月 24, 2018







Cuban Missile Criss Address to the Nation  Oct. 23. 1963
John F. Kennedy

I was to say a few words to the captive people of Cub, to Whom this speech is being directly carried y special radio facilities. I speak to you as a friend, as one who knows of your deep attachment to your fatherland, as who shares your aspirations for liberty and justice for all.
    And I have watched and the American people have watched with deep sorrow how your nationalist revolution was betrayed —and how your fatherland fell under foreign domination . Now your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They are puppets and acts of an iteration conspiracy which has turned it into the first Latin American country to become a target for nuclear war—-the first Latin American country to have thee weapons on its soil.
    These new weapons are to in your interest. They contribute nothing to your peace and wellbeing. They can only undermine any system non you. We know that your lives and lad are being used as pawns by those who deny your freedom Many times in the past, the Cuban people have risen to throw out tyrants who destroyed their liberty. And I have no doubt hat most Cubans today look forward to the time when they will be truly free—-free from foreign domination. free to choose their own leaders. free to select their own system, free to own thereon land, free to speak and write and worship without fear or degradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed bak to the society of tree nation and to the associations of this hemisphere.
     The path we chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are, but fit is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and your commitments around the world. The most of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it, And one path we shall never choose and that is Our goal is not the victory, but the vindication of right, not peace at the expense of freedom, our both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing , that goal will be achieved.




I Am Profoundly Sorry    Dec. 11, 1998
Bill Clinton

This has gone on too long, cost too much and hurt too many innocent people. Now, this matter  is between me, the two purple I love most —-my wife and our daughter —-and our God. I must put it right ad I am prepared to do whatever it takes to do so,

Nothing is more important to me personally. But it is private, and I intend to reclaim my family life for my family. It is nobody’s business but ours.

Even president har private lives. It is time to stop the pursuit of personal destruction and the pry into private lives and get on with our national life.  Our country has been distracted y this after for too long, and I take my responsibility for my part in all of this . That is all I do. Now it is time —-in fact, it is past time—-to move on.

We have important work to do—-real opportunities to seize, real problems to solve, real security matters to face And so tonight. I ask you to turn away from the spectacle of the past seven months, to repair the fabric of our national discourse, and to return our attention to all the challenges and all the praise of the nest American century.


改革伊斯蘭教己漸漸成為廿一世紀政治意識形態最重要的議題。本書對話坦誠、睿智且富有感情,尤其在涉及的思想與道德議題有最佳闡述。 這本書載錄 美國新無神論者 山姆 - 哈里斯 (Sam Harris) ,以及前 伊斯蘭極端份子 德 - 納瓦茲 Maajud Nawaz)...