星期六, 9月 29, 2018

人類製造戰爭、戰爭消㵴人類-伯特蘭羅素(#20/28)

羅素在1950年得到諾貝爾奬,他的得奬演說很長、也很特別。本篇是1954/12/12發表的演講。他是懷疑主義的先知人物,所立場經反反覆覆,而且極具爭議性。二戰開打前曾經支持綏靖政策,但後來卻轉而支持與納粹德國作戰到底。

Shall We choose Death ?Dc. 12, 1954
Bertrand Russell 

Here, then, is the problem which I present to you. Stark and dread and inescapable:Shall we put and end to he human race or shall mankind renounce war?People will not face this alternative because it is so difficult to abolish war. The abolition of war will demand distasteful limitations of national sovereignty. But what perhaps impedes understanding of the situation more than anything else us that the tern “mankind” feels vague and abstract.
    People scarcely realize in imagination that the danger is to themselves and their children and their grandchildren, and not only to a dimly apprehended humanity. And so they hope that preps war may be allowed o continue provided modern weapons are prohibited. I am afraid this hope is illusory. Whatever agreements not to use hydrogen bombs had been reached intimate of peace, they would no longer be considered binding in time of war, and both sides would set to work to manufacture hydrogen bombs as soon as war broke out, for if one side manufactured them would be victorious.
    In the great would of astronomy and in the little would of the atom, Man has unveiled secrets which might have been thought undiscoverable. In ar and literature and religion, some men have shown a sublimity of feeling which makes the species worth preserving. Is all this to end in trivial horror because two few are able to think of Man rather than of this or hat group often? Is our race to the simplest dictates of self-preservation, that the last proof of its silly cleverness is to be the extermination of all life on our planet? —-for it will be not only men who will perish, but also the animals, whom no one can accuse of Communism or anticommunist.
    I cannot believe that this is to be the end. I would have men forget their quarrels for n moment and reflect that, if they all allow themselves to survive there is every reason to expect the triumphs of the future to exceed immeasurable the triumphs of the past.
There lies before us, if we choose, continual process inf happiness, knowledge, and wisdom, shall we, instead, choose death, because we anent forget our quarrels?


攻與守的一念之間-愛因斯坦反核演說(#19/28)

這篇演說取於愛因斯坦在1950/2/12對全美民眾所發表的知名演說《原子時代的和平》,重點就是反對美國總統杜魯門在1950年1月所宣布的氫彈計劃。他認為人類必須消除彼此的恐懼與猜忌。

Against TheHydrogen Bomb   Feb. 12, 1950
Albert Einstein

The armament race between the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. originally supposed to be a preventive measure, issues hysterical character. On both sides, the means to mass destruction are perfected with feverish haste—-behind the respective walls of secrecy The H-bomb appears on the public horizon as a probably attainable goal.
    If successful, radioactive poisoning of the atmosphere and hence annihilation of any life on earth has been brought within the range of technical possibilities. The ghostlike character this development lies inits apparently compulsory trend. Every step appears as the unavoidable consequence of the preceding one, In the end, it beckons more and more clearly general annihilation.
    Is there any way out of this impasse created man himself ? All of us, and particularly those who are responsible for the attitude of the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., should realize that we may have vanquished an external enemy, but have been incapable of getting rid of the mentality created by the war.
    It is impossible to achieve peaces as long as every single action is taken with a possible future conflict in view. The leading point of view of all political action should therefore be; what can we do to bring about a peaceful co-existence and even local cooperation the nations?
    The first problem into do away with mutual fear and distrust. Solemn renunciation of violence( not only with respect or means of mass destruction ) is undoubtedly necessary.

    Such renunciation, however, can only be effective if at the same time a supra-national judicial and executive body is set up, empowered to decide questions of immediate concern to the security of the nations. Even a declaration of the nations to collaborate locally in the realization of such a “restricted world government”would considerable reduce the imminent danger of war.

新時代的樂觀力量-美國甘迺迪總統就職演說(#22/28)


1961/1/20美國第卅五任總統宣誓就職所發表的演說。全文合計1355個單詞,被譽為廿世紀最令人難忘的美國就職總統演說之一。

And if a beached  of.co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join sides, join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the week secure and the peace preserved.
    All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
    In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hours of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—-I welcome it.i don not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—-and the glow from that fie can truly light he world.
    And so my fellow citizens of he world: as not what your country can do for you —ask what you can for your country.
    My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you , but what together we can do for  the freedom of man.
    

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same  high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history  the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that her on path Gods word must truly be our own.


4.2 文學研究中的文化身份問題-王寧

《比較文學與當代文化批評》第四篇批評與詮釋,第二節「文學研究中的文化身份問題」。作者以本身的經歷加以闡述極具說服力,也深得我心。

本身是英文文學老師,因緣際會一頭栽入「比較文學」研究。他自幼生長在中國,受到中國文化的薰陶;但是在學術成長期,郤更多機會接觸到西方文化,或者在西方某些國家生活幾年,也多次在不同國家從事學術研究。以致於在英文系文學教師中,所掌握的西方文學知識、 恐怕比中國文學知識還多。「顯然我們是以一個中國人從中國的視角出發來看待西方文學。」這樣的「意識形態觀念」和「學科意識」 ,不得不打上「西方主義」和「西方學」(Occidentalism)的印記。

實際上這種文化身份是「雙重的」:學好西方文學、認同西方文化觀念(主要是語言表達的習慣),其目的是為了更有效地進行國際交流;另一方面,為了突顯中國人眼中的西方文化特徵,又不得不在研究成果中打上中國的民族文化印記。這也是作者與西方學者進行交流和對話時不可或缺的「資本」。

想要達到真正的超越,必須突破腦中固有的西方主義觀念,真正進入西方人的視角來研究西方文學;其結果導致喪失原有中國文化身份。這是兩難、且難以克服,也是比較文學和文化學者無法廻避的問題。


進一步討論可以發現現代化、國際化,以及知識經濟、全球化、跨國企業、兩性平等化、殖民主義等議題,更突顯出文化的「混雜性」。今天「歐洲中心主義」某程度上,甚至是遏制美國文化侵略和滲透的「本土化」作用。可見「文化全球化」的對主物就是「文化本土化。」


總之,「文化認同」問題在本土化與國際化之間拉鋸,現代人要如何安身立命,也是文化人、甚至一般老百姓的課題。作者是樂觀、正面、而且幸運的寫照,這一方面值得學習與效法。其他像馬華作家張貴興李永平等,身份與文化認同問題也拼出不同的火花,值得觀察、比較。


星期四, 9月 27, 2018

女性大翻身-2018倫敦馬拉松現象


2018倫敦馬拉松現象
以慈善捐款取得「2018倫敦馬拉松」參賽權,並且順利完成「世界馬拉松六大滿貫」第五場。依個人實際參賽體驗、加上官方數据統計,發現2018「倫敦馬拉松現象」如下。其中搶初馬者眾、男兒當自強,因為女性跑者大翻身!

1.「全球報名人數最多」。一共有386,050名跑友報名!
2.「全球中籤率最低」祗有4.4%。相當於(17000/386050)
3.「58%英國本土申請者沒跑過馬拉松」。阿娘喂,有夠勇!
4.「45%英國本土申請者為女性」。女生大反撲。
5.「英國本土首馬申請者女性比例首次超越男性」。比例為51.7%vs 48.3%,男兒當自強!

本賽事在前一年開放報名,時間只有五天( 5月1日-5日)。其中58,534人來自於海外,327,516人來自英國本土。英國本土跑者報名增長率高達29%!增加了73586人。我連續第四年,又沒抽中!

回顧1981年首屆倫馬賽事中,6300名完賽跑者之中只有不到300名女性。而在2018年倫敦馬「大反轉」:女性大翻身!

總之,倫敦馬拉松每年的參賽人數都超過40,000人,但是由於眾多名額都被預留給了慈善組織,真正留給抽籤選手的名額只有大約17,000個,其中女生又佔了一半。男生要加油了,否則有一天會淪為弱勢團體喔!


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(資料來源-新浪網 http://www.soonnet.org/Daily/DailyView.aspx?M=243&D=20437)

好事多磨的遺愛-阿弗雷德諾貝爾(#9/25)

「從28篇經典演說學思考」第九篇「好事多磨的遺愛」其實這篇文章不是演說,而是一份遺囑,它催生出人類史上最偉大的殊榮:諾貝爾奬的誔生。

這份文件的背後其實充滿爭議和法律陷阱,導致好事多磨,一直拖到阿弗雷德-諾目爾逝世五週年才實現。主要是它公布之後被瑞典各界人士批評為「不受國」。因為身為瑞典人,為什麼不把遺產捐贈給瑞典?最後在遺囑執行人索爾曼努力之下,於一八九八年五月宣布生效。

Alfred Nabels Will Nov. 27, 1895
Alfred Nobel

I after mature deliberation, declare the following to be my last Will and Testament with respect to such property as may be left by me at the time of my death:
    The whole of my remaining realizable estate shall be dealt with in the following way: the capital, invested in safe securities by my executors, shall constitute a fund, the interest on which shall be annually distributed in the form of prizes to those who, during the preceding year, shall have conferred the greatest benefit on mankind. The said interest shall be divided into five equal parts, which shall be apportioned as follows:
    One part to the person who shall have made the most important discovery or invention within the field of physics; one part to the person who shall have made the most important chemical discovery of improvement, one part to the person who shall have made the most important discovery within the domain of physiology of medicine; one part to the person who shall have produced in the field literature the most outstanding work in an ideal direction; and one part to there person who shall have done he most or the best work for fraternity between nations., for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion for peace congresses.
    The prizes for physics and chemistry shall be awarded by the Swedish Academy of Sciences; that for physiological or medical work by the Caroline Institute in Stockholm; that for literature by the Academy in Stockholm, and that for champions of peace by a committee of five persons to be elected by the Norwegian Storting.

    It is my express wish that in awarding the prizes no consideration whatever shall be given to the nationality of the candidates. But that the most worthy shall receive the prize, whether he be a Scandinavian or not.

星期三, 9月 26, 2018

分裂之家無可恃存-林肯參議員選舉演說(#7/28)

<從28篇經典演說學思考>第七篇「分裂之家無可恃存」。這是林肯1858年參加美國伊利諾州參議員提名演說,史稱「分裂之家演說」,他因這次演說在政壇嶄露頭角,成為全美知名人物。

美國不可分裂,但是任何一個民主國家的人民都會有不同的想法。舉例來說,有人贊成政府什麼都管、有些則認為不必管太多。外交政策方面,意見分岐也是當然的事。可是,如果意見分岐有地域徧見那就不妙了。

The House Divided Speech.   June 16, 1858
Abraham Lincoln

If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached an passed.
    “A house divided against itself can not stand.”
    I believe this Government can not endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—-I don not expect the house to fall —-but I  do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall come alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.

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28篇經典演說學思考-李家同

奴隸的人性-虛偽的美國奴隸制度(#5/28)

《從28篇經典演說學思考》第五篇。這篇演說的主人翁-佛雷德里克道格拉斯,他從未謀面的父親是白人,但母親是黑奴,譠他永遠無法擺脫宿命。從六歲開始,成為一位翻不了身的黑奴。但是長大之後成功逃脫,並在詹姆斯牧師協助之下學會演說技巧,進而成為林肯總統的貴人。他在四年間成功招幕十九萬名奴隸,組織兩大黑人軍團。後來擔任美國外交使節、美國駐海軍地總領事。

The Hypocrisy of American Slavery  Jul. 4, 1852
Frederick Douglass 

The manhood of the slave is conceded. It is admitted in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments, forbidding, under server fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to read and write. When you can point to any such laws in reference to the beasts of the field, then I may  consent to argue the manhood of the slave.
    When The dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave for a brute, then I will argue with you that the slave is a man !
    For the present it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are plowing, planting, and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver, and gold; that while we are reading, writing, and ciphering, acting as clerks, merchants, and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators, and teachers: that we are engaged in all the enterprises common to other men —-digging gold in California, capturing the whale in he Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hillside, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives, and children, and above all, confessing and worshiping the christian God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave —we are called upon to prove that we are men?


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28篇經典演說學思考-李家同



寬恕的力量-特赦尼克森電視演說(#28/28)

《從28篇經典演說學思考》第28篇[寬恕的力量」。福特總統最為不幸,因為他必須赦免尼克森總統。但是在法律上行不通,因為尼克森並未被定罪、也不曾被起訴,有何權力可以赦免他?幸好,當時老百姓己經精疲力盡,祗想安定下來,也就不再追究這件不合邏輯的事件。

Address to the Nation Pardoning Richard M. Nixon
Sep 8. 1974  Gerald Ford

As President, my primary concern must always be the greatest good of all the people of the United States whose servant I am. As a  man, my first consideration is to be true to my own convictions and my own conscience.
    My conscience tells me clearly and certainly that I cannot prolong the bad dreams that continue to reopen a chapter that is closed. My conscience tells me that only I, as  President, have the constitutional power to firmly shut and seal this book. My conscience tells me it is my duty, not merely to proclaim domestic tranquility but to use every means that I have to insure it . I do believe that the buck stops here, that I cannot rely upon build opinion polls to tell me what isight. I do believe that right makes might and that if I ma wrong, ten angel swearing I was right would make no difference. I do believe, with all my heart and mind and spirit, that I, not as President as a humble servant of God , will receive justice without mercy of  fail to show mercy.
    Finally, I feel that Richard Nixon and his loved ones have suffered enough and will continue to suffer, no matter what I do, no matter what we, as great and good nation, can do together to make his goal of peace come true.
    Now, therefore,  I Gerald R. Ford, President of the United State, pursuant to the pardon power conferred upon me by Article 2, Section 2, of the Constitution , have granted and by these presents do grant a full, free, and absolute pardon unto Richard Nixon, has committed or may have committed  or taken part in during the period from July 20, 1969. through August 9. 1974

難以啓口的道歉-尼克森辭職演說(#26/28)

《從28篇經典演說學思考》第26篇「難以啟口的道歉」。水門案迫使美國總統尼克森下台,這是一件有意義的事。他並未貪污,也沒做出什麼傷天害理的事,更沒有出賣國家。惟一的問題是他破壞了司法獨立。司法一旦被總統操弄,國家就無正義可言。最可敬佩的是共和黨員人完全不支持同黨的尼克森,他們是真正有原則的人。而美國和世人人的反應呢?相信也是有志一同吧!

Resigning the Presidency  Aug. 8, 1974
Richard Nixon

For more than a quarter of a century in public life I have shared in the turbulent history of this era. I have fought for what I believed in. I have tried to the best of my ability to discharge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted to me.
    Sometime I have succeeded and sometimes I have failed, but always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, “whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly.”
    I pledge to you tonight that as long as I have a breath of life in my body, I shall continue in that spirit. I shall continue to work for the great causes to whip I have been dedicated throughout my years as a Congressman, a Senator, a Vice {resident, the cause of peace not just for America but among al nations, prosperity, justice, and opportunity for all  of our purple.
    When I first took the oath of office as President 5-1/2 years ago,  made this sacred commitment, to“consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations.” I have done my very best in all the days since to be true to that pledge. As a result of these efforts. I am confident that the world is a safer place today, not only for the purple of America but for the people of all nations, and that all of our children have a better chance than before of living in peace rather than dying in war. 

    This, more than anything, is what I hoped to achieve when I sought the Presidency. This, more than anything, is what I hope will be my legacy to you, to our country, as I leave the Presidency.


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28篇經典演說學思考-李家同

2015旗津淨攤活動-感謝有里、有里真好

民國104年九月廿六日,由高雄巿環局主辦,區里推動資源回收工作績效、及校園評比頒獎典,中鋼環墇教塾廵迴車及志工配合前往會場宣導。








星期二, 9月 25, 2018

暢遊珠海-2014桂林麗江旅遊尾聲

2014年九月二十五桂林旅遊回程經珠海多住一天,也趁機暢遊珠海。主要景點為海邊珍海漁女,俗稱珍珠女塑像、以及圓明新園。

珍珠如塑有七雙手(4+3),其中蘊含一段淒美的故事;圓明新圓是1:1複製北京原貌提供觀賞。

 第二天九月廿六日,又一起暢遊調景山,當地人津津樂道,因為當天鄧小平也曾經來此一遊,因而配合整理讓景觀更有看頭,才有今日的規模。

本行程由傅伸松伉儷號召,成員包括成哥、福哥等屏東友好家庭。
2014桂林麗江行回程經珠海留宿一晚
參觀珠海新圓明園





珠海珍珠女




登山樂-笠頂山第三登山步道的標誌樹

2012年九月二十五登笠頂山。剛退休那年,經常登笠頂。它有三條登山步道,我最喜歡第三條,因為路程較短、也最陡峭。更特別是有十棵標誌大樹,有心人逐一在樹幹標註數目字,讓登山客清楚了解路標,預計還有多少距離登頂、或者預知還多久下山。

當天很難得,小犬陳駿幫我們連續照了56789五棵路標大樹,同時留下我和家內賴瓊姿的身影,值得回味!《登山》

陳篤恭及賴瓊姿在笠頂山第三登山步道第五棵路標樹合照

陳篤恭及賴瓊姿在笠頂山第三登山步道第六棵路標樹合照

陳篤恭及賴瓊姿在笠頂山第三登山步道第七棵路標樹合照

陳篤恭及賴瓊姿在笠頂山第三登山步道第八棵路標樹合照

快登頂了加油!陳篤恭及賴瓊姿在笠頂山第三登山步道第九棵路標樹合照





星期一, 9月 24, 2018

驚爆十三天-古巴危機電視演說(約翰甘迺迪)

《從28篇經典演說學思考》第23篇[驚爆十三天」,甘迺迪「古巴飛彈危機」電視演說發表於一九六二年十月二十二日,演說中宣布美軍進入三級警備狀態。他派出兩百艘戰艦封鎖古巴,並獲得英、法、西德與加拿大四國政府的支持。讓蘇聯政府擔心美國會入侵古巴,釀成雙方爆發核戰。

一九五九年卡斯楚推翻巴蒂斯塔獨裁政府之後,美國政府採取經濟制裁,甚至支持反古巴政府的恐怖組織。終於在一九六一年四月十七日發生猪玀灣事件。當時甘迺迪總統上任不到九十天,被猪玀灣事件搞得灰頭土臉。

古巴飛彈危機始於一九六二年十月十四日,美U2偵察機確認古巴境內有蘇聯的SSー4飛彈裝有核子彈頭,足以擊美國所有重要城巿。於是雙方對峙情勢升高,核彈危機一鞋觸即發。

一九六二年十月廿七星期六上午是人類史上最接近核戰的一刻,因為美國海軍在一次晨間試驗中,對蘇聯核子潛艇投了一顆深水炸彈,讓俄國人覺得核戰己爆發,所以決定反擊。幸好祗有艦長、政委兩人同意。而大副並不同意發射化解危機。


同一時間,美國U2偵察機在古巴上空被擊落。美國總統決定不報復採取談判,成功壓制美國軍方開戰聲浪。最後在十月廿八日正式宣告結束十三天的危機。

Cuban Missile Criss Address to the Nation  Oct. 23. 1963
John F. Kennedy

I was to say a few words to the captive people of Cub, to Whom this speech is being directly carried y special radio facilities. I speak to you as a friend, as one who knows of your deep attachment to your fatherland, as who shares your aspirations for liberty and justice for all.
    And I have watched and the American people have watched with deep sorrow how your nationalist revolution was betrayed —and how your fatherland fell under foreign domination . Now your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They are puppets and acts of an iteration conspiracy which has turned it into the first Latin American country to become a target for nuclear war—-the first Latin American country to have thee weapons on its soil.
    These new weapons are to in your interest. They contribute nothing to your peace and wellbeing. They can only undermine any system non you. We know that your lives and lad are being used as pawns by those who deny your freedom Many times in the past, the Cuban people have risen to throw out tyrants who destroyed their liberty. And I have no doubt hat most Cubans today look forward to the time when they will be truly free—-free from foreign domination. free to choose their own leaders. free to select their own system, free to own thereon land, free to speak and write and worship without fear or degradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed bak to the society of tree nation and to the associations of this hemisphere.
     The path we chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are, but fit is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and your commitments around the world. The most of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it, And one path we shall never choose and that is Our goal is not the victory, but the vindication of right, not peace at the expense of freedom, our both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing , that goal will be achieved.

贏得滿堂彩的不光彩演說-比爾柯林頓(#27/28)

這篇演說是柯林頓總統在1998/12/11面對參說院彈劾投票前夕,對全美民眾發表的電視演說。顯然這場演說的內容並不包含任何勵志意義或是啓發價值,但是在說話的技巧方面,值得參考的精彩演說。

他帶著愧疚的神情及語調,很想為自己辯解;又非常誠懇地公開向老百姓道歉,成功爭取到大家的同情。最後話鋒一轉,讓這演說轉變成一場鼓舞美國人奮發向上、鏗鏘有力的精彩結尾。


I Am Profoundly Sorry    Dec. 11, 1998
Bill Clinton

This has gone on too long, cost too much and hurt too many innocent people. Now, this matter  is between me, the two purple I love most —-my wife and our daughter —-and our God. I must put it right ad I am prepared to do whatever it takes to do so,

Nothing is more important to me personally. But it is private, and I intend to reclaim my family life for my family. It is nobody’s business but ours.

Even president har private lives. It is time to stop the pursuit of personal destruction and the pry into private lives and get on with our national life.  Our country has been distracted y this after for too long, and I take my responsibility for my part in all of this . That is all I do. Now it is time —-in fact, it is past time—-to move on.

We have important work to do—-real opportunities to seize, real problems to solve, real security matters to face And so tonight. I ask you to turn away from the spectacle of the past seven months, to repair the fabric of our national discourse, and to return our attention to all the challenges and all the praise of the nest American century.


平等是一切夢想的開端-我有一毎個夢(馬丁路德金恩)#25/28

人類廿世紀最有名的一篇演說《我有一個夢想》。1963/8/28金恩博士於華盛頓的林肯紀念館廣場發表的演說,聚集了廿萬名群眾。

這場畫時代的演說讓他榮獲1964年諾貝爾和平奬,也迫使美國國會在同一年通過了「民權法案」,宣佈種族隔離和岐視政策為非法政策。這篇演說字字珠璣,成為許多國家教科書的教材。英文及中文演說稿如下:

I Have a Dream  Aug. 28, 1963  by Martin Luther Kong

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow. I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
    I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and ve out the true meaning of its creed:”We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”
    I have a dream hat on day on the red hills of Georgia, the some of former slavers and he sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
    I have a dream that one day even there state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed int an oasis of freedom and justice.
    I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
    I have a dream today.
    I have a dream hat on day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lops dripping with there words of“interposition” “interposition”and “nullification”—one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white bays and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today!
    I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and eery hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;”and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together’ 

    This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.


    朋友們,今天我要對您們說,我們不應該在絶望的谷底打滾。儘管現在與未來我們面對著重重難關,但是我仍懷抱夢想,一毎深植於美國夢之中的夢想。

    我有一個夢想:期待有一天,這個田戈一口家會站起來實踐獨立宣言的真諦:「我們認為真理不言而喻,那就是人人生而平等。」
    我期待有這麼一天,大大中土喬治亞州皫紅土山丘上,昔日主人與奴隸的孩子們能夠情同手足地共聚一堂。
    我有一個夢想:期待有一天,即使是被不義與壓迫之火所煎熬的密西比州,也能夠變成一塊自由和正義的綠洲。
    有一個夢想;期待有一天在我四個孩子所住的國度內,人們是用品格來評斷人,而非用膚色。
    我今天有這麼一個夢想。
    我有一個夢想:期待有一天,在種族歧視最嚴重、州長至今冥頑不靈、拒絕承認聯邦法令的阿拉巴馬州—那裹的黑人小孩們有朝一日也能夠像兄弟姐妹那樣也手牽著手,我今天有這樣一個夢想。
    我有一個夢想,期待有一天,幽谷都能被填滿,山丘都能被削平,崎嶇之平之處都能變平坦,曲折小徑也能變成筆直的道路,「上帝的榮耀必然顯現,凡有血氣者必一同看見。」
    這就是懷抱如此信念回到南方。

延伸閱讀
28篇經典演說學思考-李家同


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